Review:

Catherine S. Chan: The Macanese Diaspora in British Hong Kong A Century of Transimperial Drifting, Amsterdam University Press,  2021

I should say at the start that Catherine Chan and I have collaborated on an article about the Macanese in the Hong Kong occupation. However, I don’t believe this has unduly influenced my favourable opinion of her book: in the only other review published so far (in the Asian Review of Books) Peter Gordon writes thus:

Although an academic text and fully sourced, Chan is a fluent writer; the book is rigorous yet readable. She manages the tightrope between anecdote and data, between vignette and analysis: her examples always seem to illustrate a broader point.

I concur, and will offer further reasons for thinking that The Macanese Diaspora in British Hong Kong will prove a seminal text in the field of Macanese studies.

Why?

Firstly it’s wide-ranging and academically ambitious.

The reason I suggested to Catherine Chan that we worked together was my admiration for her thesis – ‘Empire’ Drifters: The Macanese in British Hong Kong, 1841-1941. These days many doctoral dissertations are narrow in focus and ambition – they treat a limited subject and they play it safe by sticking to orthodox historical ideas and approaches. Chan’s thesis, in contrast, was wide-ranging – it covered the Hong Kong Macanese community from its origins in the 1840s up to the outbreak of war in 1941. Just as impressive was the confidence with which she set about challenging received historical ideas, for example with regard to the effects of colonial racism on the community, an issue I discuss below.

The book under review builds on this thesis while adding important new material, for example relating to the complex nature of questions of ‘identity’ both in Hong Kong and in the post-WW11 diaspora.

Secondly, it transforms our view of the community and its colonial experience.

So what about Chan’s account of the impact of colonial racism?  She doesn’t deny that the Macanese – a largely Eurasian community who typically held Portuguese nationality when migrating to Hong Kong –  suffered from British arrogance and discrimination. In fact, as well as making good use of the memoir by Dr. Eduardo Gosano which I discussed in a 2017 post on racism, she provides compelling new evidence of discrimination, both in attitude and in compensation, from the archives of the Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Corporation, an institution which employed many members of the community. Nevertheless, Chan insists that not every set-back the Macanese suffered as a group or as individuals was the result of racism. She  attempts to prove this by revisiting two cases of Macanese who might on the face of it have felt that their careers were impacted because they were not ‘white’ British.

Chan reveals, I think for the first time, that the Colonial Office in London had actually suggested the appointment of Leonardo d’Alamada e Castro, a Eurasian who did not hold a British passport, as Colonial Secretary. Nevertheless, Leonardo, the best known of the two cases, did not get the job. Chan argues that this was not mere racial or national prejudice. The people on the spot thought that the fact that he was not British posed a genuine constitutional problem that London did not fully grasp and, in any case, he was not “‘of sufficient weight’” for the job.

I am in sympathy with Chan’s overall position: to assume that if a society is racist there is no need to seek further explanation of any failure on the part of individuals from dominated ethnicities can lead commentators to miss the real dynamics at play in determining historical outcomes. However, I was left wondering if, in the case of such a deeply discriminatory society as nineteenth century Hong Kong, an either/or approach is the most powerful – either d’Almada e Castro was not appointed Colonial Secretary because of racism or because he lacked ‘’’weight’’. Perhaps the idea of overdetermination is more useful. This concept was borrowed from Freud and applied to social phenomena by the French philosopher Louis Althusser. If applied in this case, it would mean that Leonardo d’Almada e Castro and Alexandre Grand-pré, the other Macanese administrator Chan discusses, didn’t get their promotions because of their inadequate qualifications, but they would have been denied them anyway because of racism! In other words, both prejudice and imperfect CVs were to blame.

In spite of this reservation, I have no doubt that Chan’s discussion of racism recasts our understanding of the Macanese relationship with British colonialism. It opens the way to seeing them as a group which was able, in the teeth of disrespect and discrimination, to carve out a satisfactory community ‘world’ in their new home. The Macanese, she argues, had generally good relations with the colonial government and we should not see them as people who should have  resisted the established order but failed to do so out of lack of political understanding or initiative. Some did protest, of course, and Chan discusses the case of José Pedro Braga, an early and powerful critic of British arrogance. But Braga remained loyal to, even celebratory of, the British empire and Chan’s discussion suggests that he and other Macanese knew their own business best – their position in Hong Kong was, in spite of its subordinate nature, a comfortable one. Employment prospects for the young and for newcomers were good, at least until the arrival of the global depression in the 1930s, and on this solid economic basis the Macanese constructed a vigorous social and cultural life. Chan illustrates this in various ways, for example by offering a detailed account of the history of the Club Lusitano, the oldest and most prestigious Macanese institution.

But, in another surprise, she sets out to show that an apparently homogeneous community was riven by internal conflicts based on class, culture and identity.

The conventional view was the one I myself held before encountering Chan’s work. The wartime sources I had consulted suggested a thoroughly Anglicised community. The British Consul in Macau, John Reeves, noted, with disapproval, that most of those who sought refuge from the Japanese in the Portuguese enclave were familiar with the British national anthem but not with the Portuguese. Further, those who stayed behind in occupied Hong Kong were, at great personal cost, almost totally loyal to the Crown.

There is indeed no doubt that by the end of WW1 many Macanese had become thoroughly Anglicised. Chan discusses this process, which seems to have been driven by a straightforward economic motive: people were in Hong Kong to work and mastery of the English language and culture was the way to maximise job opportunities. Nevertheless, Chan shows for the first time (in English at least) that Anglicisation wasn’t the whole story. Her discussion of the ‘Portuguese’ tendency in the community is fascinating.

The Liga Portuguesa was set up in 1929 to counter what its founders saw as the ‘denationalisation’ of the Macanese – their rejection of Portuguese history, allegiance and culture. The  Liga offered Portuguese classes, used its publications to stress the glories of Portuguese history and the merits of the Salazar Government, and tried to create a pan-Macanese identity uniting the diaspora throughout Asia. This enterprise became intertwined with a class conflict between the established upper middle class, who generally lived on Hong Kong Island and ran the colony’s premier Macanese institution, the Club Lusitano, and the less socially elevated newcomers who tended to live in Kowloon. This was to some extent a gender conflict too, as the Club Lusitano was male only, while the rival Kowloon institution, the Club de Recreio, was open to women. It also welcomed the younger element, making it easy for supporters of the Liga to set up a dichotomy between a dynamic and inclusive vision encompassing all Macanese and emphasising the community’s Portuguese roots, and its ‘denationalised’ rival, whose implicit ideal was a community dominated by well-heeled older males who had long since abandoned their heritage in favour of the culture of the British!

This view of the Macanese as a site of vigorous cultural debates is new, and Chan provides enough well-sourced detail to convince me of its fundamental correctness. However, her account also suggests that these battles were fought within limits: the Liga faction were only anti-British in a cultural sense, while the Lusitano honoured things Portuguese in name at least. Some people were involved with both Clubs, and, as Chan shows, by the outbreak of war in 1941 the two factions were largely united. She might have emphasised this more, although it is understandable that she should wish to stress the novel elements revealed by her research.

In any case, this material is of importance not only to students of Hong Kong and of the Macanese but also to those interested in the rise of nationalism in the 1930s and in particular its manifestations in diasporic communities.

Thirdly, Chan’s account of the Macanese in Hong Kong and her remarks on the diaspora offers much original material and a subtle analysis of ‘identity’.

As Chan showed in her thesis, the Macanese ‘drifted’ between empires – the Portuguese, the Dutch and the British – and eventually out of Hong Kong into an increasingly post-imperial world. Naturally, people sometimes asked themselves who they were – a question very much on the mind of those who founded the Liga Portuguesa, for example. Chan shows throughout her book the flexibility with which the Macanese negotiated the different social situations they encountered in Hong Kong and beyond. She sees identity construction as ‘a continuous process of reinvention’ as individuals and communities mobilise their cultural resources to meet new challenges. The book illustrates both the diverse situations the Macanese encountered in Hong Kong and the creative ways in which they responded. Chan’s analysis of identity will be of interest to all those concerned with this complex and often controversial question, as it is not only conceptually subtle but also grounded in the detailed historical discussions that are the core of the book.

Conclusion

This is a rich work and I do not have the space to indicate all of the areas it illuminates.  Chan has given us what must now be considered the most important account of Hong Kong’s Macanese community. Any scholar writing on this subject in the future will be forced to reckon with this book in the full range of its arguments, while any general reader with an interest in Hong Kong and its Macanese people will find it both accessible and illuminating.

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A list of those who stood trial on 29 August, 1944

On August 29, 1941 39 men and one woman were tried in Stanley Prison Chapel. Most of the men, and the woman, were Portuguese – 19 in all –  and there were in addition 8 Indians (and one man from Ceylon), 7 Chinese or Eurasians, and five Europeans, the best known of whom is Dr. Selwyn-Clarke.

The trial was more humanely conducted than another big trial involving Europeans, that of the morning of October 19, 1943, when the defendants were made to stand to attention and punished if they moved. In this case everyone sat in rows and each of them was called to the front in turn to be questioned – the Japanese made a last attempt to get information from people most or all of whom had proved unbreakable during previous interrogations.

The ‘defendants’ in fact were not allowed to defend themselves or even asked to plead. In accordance with Japanese military practice, guilt was assumed to have been established by the Kempeitai investigation. However, the authorities were generally uneasy about sentencing people who had not confessed, which is perhaps one reason why Dr. Selwyn-Clarke was amnestied (alongside D. S. Dinga) on December 8, 1944.

Two men died in prison: Fuk Kwan, of causes unknown, and C. M. Souza of nephritis brought about by malnutrition. Two men were sentenced to death: James Kotwall and Carlos Henrique Basto were executed on August 31 – a family source states that Mr. Kotwall died on Stanley Beach. Sentences for the rest ranged from two to ten years. All the survivors, as far as I know, were freed in the period between the Japanese surrender and Admiral Harcourt’s arrival on August 30 1945 – August 23 is known to have been the release date in some cases and might well have been so for everyone.

All of these people were indeed ‘guilty’ of illegal relief work, resistance activity, or both. They were all interrogated, with varying degrees of brutality, but I know of no-one who was arrested as a result. The contributions of some of these people to relief and resistance are, to an extent at least, known, while there are no records that tell us of the actions that led others to a Japanese prison. The spirit the group showed was magnificent – during their ordeal they agreed to meet together after the war, and such a meeting took place in 1946.

To the best of my knowledge only Dr. Selwyn-Clarke was honoured for his wartime achievements (although Mr Dhun Ruttonjee was awarded a CBE for his post-war public service). None of these courageous people should be forgotten and it saddens me that at the moment in some cases I can only record initials not names.

NOTES:

Those familiar with Portuguese practice with regard to names will understand that I can’t always report them definitively – for example, the name that I give as ‘C. M. (de) Souza’, might be ‘C. M. de Souza’, ‘C. M. Sousa’, or ‘C. M. de Sousa’. However, where I have been able to make a confident identification with  an individual listed on the Macanese Families website, I have used that form even if it appears differently in my newspaper sources.

In the headings giving ethnicity I use the terminology of the time. ‘Portuguese’ has now been replaced by ‘Macanese’ in scholarly discussions.

Portuguese 

Carlos Henrique Basto

H. R. (“Max”) Sequeira 

Carlos Eduardo Mackintosh 

Carlos Vicente da Roza 

Eduardo Roza 

Leandro Roza 

Fernando Eduardo d’ Almada Remedios 

Francisco Xavier d’Almada Remedios

Maude Elizabeth Basto (née White)

Luiz Eduardo Basto (husband of Maude Elizabeth)

Bernardino de Castro Basto 

Fernando Augusto Gomes Prata

Francisco Cecílio Collaço

Marcus Rosário 

Claudio Rocha 

J. A. S. Alves (probably João António {de}Selavisa Alves)

Henrique Barros

Luiz Maria Ozorio Gardner

C. M. (de) Souza

Indian

Dinga, Dheramdas Sehwani who generally called himself D. S. Dinga

Imam Din

Dhun Jehangir Ruttonjee 

Jehangir Hormusjee Ruttonjee

A. Vaswani

S. F. Jokhi 

G. M. Advani

Mohammed Hussain

Ceylonese (Singhalese)

Neil E. Hunter

Eurasian 

Dr. Frederick Bunje

James  Edulji Kotwall

Ho Wing

Chinese

Lo Heung-hui 

Wong Eye-Wing 

Luk Wing-san 

Fuk Kwan

European

Dr. Selwyn Selwyn-Clarke 

Reginald Albert Camidge

Hugo Eric Foy

Gerald Andrew Leiper

William Alexander Cruickshank

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Macanese Roll of Honour (3) Maude Elizabeth Basto née White)

Maude Elizabeth Basto was born in about 1896 in Hong Kong. In 1937 she married Luiz Eduardo Fernandes Castro Basto.

She was arrested alongside her husband and other Macanese during the Kempeitai purge of the Club Lusitano and the Portuguese Residents Association during October-November 1942. She was released on medical grounds and re-arrested on January 30th, 1943. Thereafter she was held in Stanley Prison awaiting trial, the only woman amongst about 40 men.

One of these men, the Singhalese journalist Neil Esmond Hunter, later paid tribute to her as ‘the most majestically brave woman I shall ever know’. Another, Ho Wing, referred to her as “the Angel” because although suffering herself she always tried to bring consolation to others.

After the mass trial of August 29th, 1944 – where all the accused were found ‘guilty’ in accordance with Japanese practice – she was separated from the others and transferred to the woman’s section where she served her sentence until being released on or around August 23rd, 1945.

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Macanese Roll of Honour (2): George Samuel Ladd

George Samuel Ladd was born in 1908 or 1909. Before and during the war he was an accountant living in Causeway Bay.

Agents of the British-led resistance organisation , the British Army Aid Group (BAAG) entered Hong Kong in June-July 1942 and a strong network of organisations had been established by the start of 1943. This was largely smashed by the Kempeitai in the spring of that year.

The BAAG rebuilt their organisation with surprising success, and Mr Ladd was one of the courageous men and women who stepped forward to take the place of the imprisoned and executed local operatives. He worked in a three person team – K Group – with an Indian and a Eurasian volunteer.

He was arrested on March 23rd, 1944 and taken to the Happy Valley Gendarmerie. After interrogation and trial he was sentenced to eight years in prison. He was released on August 23rd, 1945 and later gave evidence at a War Crimes Trial.

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Francisco Xavier Soares

If any descendant of Francisco Xavier Soares, the HSBC banker who played such a courageous role during the Japanese occupation, is reading this, I would be grateful if they could contact me about permission to quote from Mr Soares’ archival letters.

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Two letters home immediately after liberation

One

Undated, but perhaps September 2nd, when the first air mail service left Hong Kong:

H. K. Hotel
Room 321
Dear Mum and all
Great to be free again Lena & I are fit sorry no time to write any more have only just heard we can send this
Love
Lena & Ooke

Two

Room 321 Hong Kong Hotel

Hong Kong

4-9-45

Dear Mum and All,

How is everybody? my last letter I received from you was August 1944 but in (terms – added above line) Stanley that was a recent one. Lena & I have pulled through alright, lost a bit of weight but still alive & kicking, although the Japs done their best to get us down but they never succeeded. We are hopelessly out of date. We are both longing to get home & if there is any good opportunities to stay home. Am terribly busy at present as I am still O/c {presumably Officer commanding} Bakeries (nothing is ever mentioned about salary & at present I am too busy to ask. hope to see you all as soon as possible

love

Lena & Ooke

Note: This is transcribed accurately, except that my father had a habit of pepperring his letters with apparently random full stops, and these I have omitted.

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Macanese Roll of Honour: Carlos Henrique de Senna Fernandes Basto

Carlos Henrique Basto was born on March 27th, 1890. He practised as an architect before the war.

During the occupation he became President of the Portuguese Residents Association, which both the Japanese and the British regarded as a centre of support for the Allies.

At some point in 1942 or 1943 Mr. Basto became an active member of the resistance; he used a code based on bridge problems to send messages to the British via Macau.

On October 28th, 1943 he was arrested at the Club Lusitano. In spite of the usual brutal interrogation methods, he admitted nothing – at his trial he called for a pack of cards and a bridge manual so he could demonstrate that the coded messages were in fact problems.

He was executed two days later – August 31st, 1944.

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Macanese Roll of Honour

This is the first post in a series that will constitute a Macanese roll of Honour – the names of the men and women from the Macanese (aka Portuguese) community who were arrested at some point in the occupation for their work in illegal relief or in resistance. Although in many cases it is impossible to establish exactly what they did, it is certain that all or most of them were ‘guilty’ of something.

This Roll contains the names only of civilians. A complete list of Macanese in the Volunteers, indicating those who died in the fighting or in the POW Camps, is available in the private section of the excellent Macanese Families website. This section is open only to Macanese, but there is a public area with some interesting information and articles e.g.

https://www.macaneselibrary.org/pub/english/uiwarmemories.htm

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David Charles Edmondston

I would be grateful if any member of the family of Hong Kong banker David Charles Edmondston who is reading this would care to contact me as I would like to seek permission to use material in the HKSBC archive in a forthcoming article on pre-war Hong Kong:

brianedgar20(at)yahoo(dot)com

Mr Edmondston, as well as being active in relief work during the Japanese occupation, was a member of the BAAG, the British-led resistance organisation. Under interrogation he resisted all attempts to make him provide information about others and died of infection, malnutrition and medical neglect while serving a long sentence in Stanley Prison (for more details see https://jonmarkgreville2.wordpress.com/2013/01/03/hahn-as-source-3-the-art-of-vendetta-david-charles-edmondston/)

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Bob Tatz: Lost in the Battle of Hong Kong

Bob Tatz’s long-awaited memoir is now available, from Amazon;

I’ve written an introduction that highlights the remarkable way in which Bob’s memoir tells a story that is of interest not only to historians of Hong Kong but also to anyone who wishes to understand the currently much discussed topics of trauma and resilience.

Bob, a ten year old orphan, was in effect abandoned to fend for himself on day one of the Japanese attack. He was initially cared for by the a missionary family, then moved to Stanley Camp, and finally transferred to the Canossian Convent, where the care of the Italian nuns ensured his physical survival until the end of the war. This is remarkable enough, and Bob’s narrative provides invaluable glimpses of the various people and locales he encountered. But what is perhaps even more surprising is that a ten year old boy who had already lost his father, his step-father, his mother and his beloved Chinese amah, should have eventually recovered  enough from all these traumas and the unimaginable burden of his experiences during the Japanese occupation to find fulfilment in career, marriage and parenthood.

It is a moving story that will give any reader plenty to think about. And historians of the Hong Kong war will be in no doubt about their special good luck in finally being able to read this memoir.

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